Realitas Desa, Silvy dan Tubuh Perempuan dalam Novel Orang-orang Oetimu karya Felix K. Nesi
Oleh: Erni Aladjai
Terbitnya Orang-orang Oetimu (Felix K Nessi) oleh penerbit Marjin Kiri memberikan kesegaran, kejenakaan sekaligus kegembiraan dalam khazanah sastra kita. Orang-orang Oetimu menjadi menarik karena begitu luas ruang lingkup jelajahnya, tak hanya situasi sebuah desa pelosok yang mengalami realitas baru, setelah kekerasan demi kekerasan yang didukung negara membelenggu selama ini, tetapi juga menyorot perkara kemiskinan yang kerapkali dieksploitasi hingga bagaimana laku gereja dipotret.
Dalam Orang-orang Oetimu, narasi-narasi besar macam komunisme, kolonialisme, rezim orde baru, dialihkan ke dalam narasi-narasi kecil yang terasa akrab di dalam kehidupan pedesaaan, terbaca pada fragmen-fragmen berikut; kantor koperasi bikinan PKI yang dirobohkan, Sersan Ipi yang mengamankan desa dengan kekerasan—menendang, menempeleng, menyuruh push up, memukul di jalan-jalan—yang kelak tewas dan dianggap kesuma bangsa. Antara pangkat sersan dan cara menghadapi masalah-masalah di desa ala Sersan Ipi diceritakan dengan selaras, kemudian ada pastor yang berupaya keras “memperadabkan” sebuah masyarakat pesisir—yang jauh dari pusat kota dengan cara-cara barat.
Selain itu, kelebihan Orang-orang Oetimu adalah, narasinya berhasil menggambarkan dengan selaras akan situasi ketika model nasional Indonesia diterapkan secara paksa ke dalam masyarakat Timor. Nasionalis yang sesungguhnya dipaksakan pada masyarakat yang merasa asing dengan simbol, struktur politik, budaya bahkan bahasa Indonesia itu sendiri, upaya-upaya Indonesia mengintegrasikan orang-orang Timor alih-alih berhasil justru menjadi gagal. Bukannya tercipta keterikatan baru dengan Indonesia, orang Timor justru menggalang kesadaran nasionalis mereka sendiri dan menguatkan persatuan mereka dalam melawan orang-orang Indonesia[1].
Indonesia yang asing dari simbol hingga bahasa ini tergambarkan dalam tokoh Am Siki—orang tua penyadap lontar sekaligus pendongeng di Oetimu, suatu hari Am Siki melewati sebuah kampung dan melihat bendera berwarna merah dan putih tengah berkibar di tengah kampung. Ia memberanikan diri masuk dan bertanya, di belahan dunia manakah dia berada? Apakah kain yang tergantung itu bagian dari Nippon atau Belanda?
Seorang warga lalu menjawab pertanyaan si Am Siki tua.
“Tidak ada lagi Belanda di sini, kita bukan lagi Timor Belanda.”
“Lalu bendera siapakah yang tergantung itu? Apakah bendera aneh itu panji kerajaan kalian? Am Siki bertanya lagi.
“Itu bendera Indonesia. Sekarang ini kita adalah Timor Indonesia,” jawab orang-orang kepadanya.
“Apakah orang-orang Indonesia itu bisa berbahasa uab Metô?” tanya Am Siki lagi.
“Tentu saja tidak, tapi sekarang kita mempunyai bahasa yang baru. Bahasa Indonesia namanya, jika kau ingin tahu, setiap awal bulan mereka selalu mengajarkan di lopo ini.” (Hal 39)
Maka bersusah hatilah si tokoh penyadap lontar ini. Sebab orang-orang asing itu datang silih berganti, tetapi tak ada satu pun yang mau belajar berbicara dengan bahasa yang baik dan benar. Selalu saja orang-orang Timor yang dipaksa untuk mempelajari hal-hal luar itu.
Dikatakan juga tokoh Am Siki menumpas Nippon lantaran kuda-kudanya diperkosa tentara Jepang, dan orang-orang kota terdidik mengira ia menyelamatkan ‘Bangsa’ padahal ia hanya menyelamatkan ternak kudanya—muatan fragmen ini jenaka sekaligus kritis, sebab kerapkali di dunia nyata tindakan heroik orang kecil di pelosok dianggap sudah pasti untuk memperjuangkan nation—sebuah sistem kehidupan yang sesungguhnya jauh dan asing di pusat sana.
"Kalian orang bodoh, selalu terpengaruh dengan masalah orang-orang Jakarta. Orang Jakarta yang kencing dan berak, kalian yang menutup hidung dan menyiram toilet,” (Hal 191)
Pun cara pandang orang “moderen” merepresentasikan masyarakat tradisional juga dikritik secara subtil dan jenaka;
Dua minggu kemudian, sebuah mobil dengan plat merah masuk ke jalanan kampung. Anak-anak berlarian mengiringinya, sebab mobil itu lebih bagus dari truk pasir Baba Ong. Mereka melompat-lompat dan menuliskan namanya di kaca yang kotor dan kena debu. Seorang perempuan setengah tua membuka kaca dan melempar koin dan permen ke luar, berharap anak-anak itu berebutan, sehingga ia bisa memotret keceriaan anak-anak kampung di hadapan uang dan permen, namun anak-anak itu tidak memungut permen maupun uang, sebab mereka mengira sang perempuan sedang menyapa para leluhur dengan sedikit sesembahan. (Hal 82).
Tetapi seperti judul di atas, dalam pembahasan novel ini, saya tidaklah masuk ke dalam narasi-narasi besar macam poskolonial—tetapi saya memulai dari apa yang membuat saya menarik satu benang merah dari diri saya sebagai pembaca; saya datang dari Timur sekaligus seseorang yang lahir dan tumbuh besar di desa, dan membaca dari sisi saya sebagai perempuan.
Realitas Desa
Orang-orang Oetimu diceritakan dari masa depan kemudian masa lalu, semua masa lalu tokoh-tokohnya diceritakan sebagai riwayat kenapa hari ini mereka berlaku demikian. Hampir semua tokoh memiliki porsi yang sama dalam penceritaan masa silam. Narasi masa lalu penting dalam Orang-orang Oetimu.
Di dalam pembacaan saya akan Orang-orang Oetimu, saya lebih fokus melihat situasi desa sekaligus psikologis orang-orang di dalamnya yang tidaklah statis, desa tidak ditampilkan seperti imajinasi orang-orang tertentu yang kebanyakan waktu di kota; permai, orang-orang ramah, polos, rukun, luhur dengan adat istiadat dan keriaan gotong royong.
Desa—meskipun tak semuanya desa, sesungguhnya telah jauh meninggalkan realitas fisik semacam itu. Cara Orang-orang Oetimu dinarasikan, tidaklah seperti televisi yang memotret desa sekadar dijadikan latar visual atau tempat yang didatangi orang kota dalam rangka tamasya untuk mengagumi segala ‘keetnikannya’ melalui adat istiadat, panorama dan budaya.
Hal-hal “subjektivitas” dari luar macam begitu tak hanya terjadi dalam produk televisi dan film tetapi juga dalam produk sastra, itulah kita lebih butuh banyak penulis yang menulis dan merekam narasi milik mereka sendiri, tempat tinggal mereka, keseharian mereka, hal-hal yang lekat dengan mereka, ketimuran mereka dengan baik. Bagi saya, Orang-orang Oetimu menarasikan ketimurannya dengan baik.
Kritik sosial soal penyeragaman makan beras, dinarasikan di seperempat novel, menjadi titik fokus pertama saya akan realitas perubahan desa;
Orang Oetimu tidak punya sawah, mereka menanam jagung dan singkong di ladang, di lereng-lereng bukit. Namun makanan pokok mereka adalah nasi, dan kebanyakan mereka sudah merasa malu untuk makan jagung maupun singkong, bilapun tidak malu, kadang perut sakit sebab telah terbiasa makan nasi. Setiap musim panen, mobil penerangan dengan pelantang kencang masuk kampung dan memberikan pengumuman penting.
“Bapak-bapak dan Ibu-ibu, seluruh penduduk yang pandai dan sehat. Musim panen telah tiba. Kita semua memanen jagung dan singkong. Namun tahukah Anda, apa itu jagung dan singkong? Jagung dan singkong adalah makanan nenek moyang kita. Nenek moyang kita bodoh dan punya gizi yang buruk, sebab mereka hanya makan jagung dan singkong…” Setiap musim panen tiba, orang-orang kampung menukar lima liter jagung dengan satu liter beras. Tiga junjung singkong ditukar dengan mie instant, jika ditambah satu bakul kacang-kacangan akan diberi satu butir telur. Orang-orang dari kampung yang jauh sering melewati banjir dan binatang buas hanya untuk menukarkan panenannya di Toko Subur. Ada yang berjalan puluhan kilometer sambil memikul satu tandan pisang untuk menukarnya dengan keripik pisang yang lezat. Ada pula yang menukar kayu cendana dengan sepasang sandal jepit, lalu pulang bertelanjang kaki, sebab khawatir perjalanan berpuluh kilometer itu akan merusak sandal barunya. Jika terantuk di karang yang tajam atau tertusuk cangkang bekicot, dan darah mengalir dari telapak kakinya, ia akan menepi, mengobati luka itu dan merasa bersyukur, bahwa sandal barunya baik-baik saja—jika tadi ia memakainya tentu telah rusak sandal yang masih baru itu…. “ (Hal 55-56)
Dari narasi di atas terlihat, Orang-orang Oetimu tak lagi memandang dengan dua mata apa yang mereka punya; singkong dan jagung, seperti di masa orang-orang terdahulu mereka, melainkan telah bergeser, sebagaimana yang dikampanyekan pemerintah. Beras diasosiakan ke makna semantik; lebih sehat dan bikin pintar. Narasi soal beras ini memang akrab di Indonesia Timur. Di daerah saya sendiri—di Kepulauan Labobo—perbatasan antara Maluku Utara dan paling timur Sulawesi, nasi menjadi makanan mewah karena hanya pegawai negeri sipil, orang-orang berpangkat dan berseragam yang dijatahkan makanan demikian oleh pemerintah, sehingga orang-orang berkebun menganggap apa yang mereka punya “kecil”, lalu menjual ubi, sagu dan keladi mereka untuk membeli beras demi naik kelas. Ketika kita membaca bagian itu, baik Maluku, Sulawesi atau Papua kita akan berseru, “Ya seperti di desa kita juga pada tahun-tahun itu dan sialnya lestari dan kuat mengakar hingga sekarang.” Kelihatan memang tampak remeh, sekadar perkara beras, tetapi ‘nasi’ ini kemudian mengubah nilai dan struktur masyarakat desa tertentu di Indonesia Timur. Nasi yang kemudian kita tahu mengandung kadar gula tinggi dipandang sebagai makanan kelas tinggi dibandingkan singkong dan keladi yang kaya serat, rendah gula dan sungguh baik untuk menangkal penyakit-penyakit modern seperti diabetes dan hipertensi.
Dalam sebuah wawancara yang dimuat daring[2], Felix K. Nesi mengaku Oetimu adalah kebun bapaknya yang terletak di belakang rumah, luasnya tidak sampai satu hektar, lahan itu kemudian diubahnya jadi nama desa (latar novel) lengkap dengan isinya; balai desa, pos polisi, sekolah dan toko kelontong. Meskipun nama Oetimu sendiri adalah fiktif di Nusa Tenggara Timur, tetapi bisa saja narasi dan laku orang desa tak sepenuhnya fiktif.
Di dalam potret ruang; desa dan kota acapkali dibedakan secara oposisi biner; kota adalah pengetahuan, ekonomi pasar, maju, senantiasa berubah, rasional dan individualisme. Sementara desa adalah; mitos, statis, tradisi, irasional dan kolektivisme. Akan tetapi unsur-unsur itu terus berubah, desa maupun kota memiliki dinamika sendiri-sendiri. Sebagaimana juga kota yang terus bertumbuh. Desa bertumbuh dengan caranya sendiri menuju pembangunan dan laku hidup konsumerisme—misalnya.
Hasil respon orang-orang desa terhadap sesuatu yang di luar desa mereka serta-merta membuat orang-orang di dalamnya pun turut berubah, di hari-hari sekarang kita tidak hanya menemukan orang-orang individualis di kota, di desa orang-orang Individualis pun jamak ditemui.
Di dalam Orang-orang Oetimu, realitas desa berubah bisa terbaca pada bagian munculnya pekerjaan mengojek yang dibawa seseorang yang baru pulang dari Jawa ke Oetimu, membuat sejumlah anak muda penggangguran terinspirasi, tetapi pekerjaan mengojek yang tidak sesuai dengan konteks Oetimu justru menimbulkan masalah-masalah yang lain :
Di seberang Kapel Santa Maria, berdiri pangkalan ojek yang selalu ramai. Om Pati yang baru pulang dari tanah Jawa memperkenalkan lapangan kerja baru, mengantar orang dengan sepeda motor dan meminta uang sebagai gantinya. Anak-anak muda yang enggan menggarap kebun, mengajukan cicilan sepeda motor dengan jaminan sertifikat tanah dan mulai mengangkut penumpang. Namun orang-orang Oetimu lebih suka berjalan kaki atau naik kuda, sehingga anak-anak muda lebih banyak nongkrong di pangkalan ojek, minum-minum sambil bermain catur, jika tiba masa pembayaran cicilan, mereka menangkap seekor babi dari kandangnya dan menjualnya ke Baba Ong. Telah sering para orang tua kehilangan hewan ternak, yang sesudah diselidiki Sersan Ipi, ternyata dicuri oleh anaknya sendiri. Sersan Ipi dengan senang hati akan menempeleng, meninju, menendang anak-anak itu; sesuatu yang sia-sia saja sebab mereka akan melakukannya lagi di bulan yang akan datang. (Hal 57)
Hal lain juga nampak pada upaya Romo Yosef untuk membuat sekolah bertaraf International di sebuah kawasan pesisir—yang jauh dari pusat kota Kupang. Di sini, gereja tampak mengupayakan dengan keras untuk “memperadabkan” sebuah masyarakat. Gedung sekolah yang tadinya berdinding bebak dirobohkan dan diganti dengan gedung yang baru, lahan kosong halaman sekolah dijadikan taman bunga lengkap dengan kolam penuh ikan dan air mancur. Pagar dibangun dengan tembok yang tinggi, di depan sekolah dibangun patung Santa Helena setinggi tujuh meter dilengkapi air mancur, ikan mas, angsa putih dan lampu warna-warni juga tulisan besar dalam bahasa asing ; Welcome to Saint Helena Senior High School, tak hanya itu sebuah pos satpam diletakkan di gerbang sekolah. Sesudah pemugaran gedung sekolah itu selesai, seragam sekolah pun diperbaharui dilengkapi dengan jas, dasi, syal dan pernak-pernik lain. Hasilnya yang laki-laki kelihatan gagah perkasa dan yang perempuan kelihatan anggun terpelajar, jika siswa-siswinya berjalan beriringan mereka terlihat seperti segerombolan Yakuza dalam film gangster Jepang dan pramugari-pramugari maskapai terbang. Tak hanya itu kurikulumnya pun diperbaharui, anak-anak mesti masuk asrama, di dalam sana mereka belajar bahasa asing, les fisika, kimia, mate-matika hingga bel ibadat malam berbunyi tepat jam sepuluh malam (Hal 98).
Kapitalisme dalam dunia pendidikan tak hanya mengubah wajah pendidikan di kota-kota besar, pun di daerah mengalami hal yang serupa. Sekolah SMA Santa Helena yang tadinya tidak punya strata kelas, semua orang bisa bersekolah di sana, kini menciptakan selera dan kelas baru, hanya orang-orang berpunya yang bisa mengaksesnya, orang-orang desa yang mampu mengirim anaknya ke sana menjadi naik derajat dengan sendirinya. Di kala sekolah itu makin tersohor dan mengundang decak kagum juga puja puji, anak-anak petani, nelayan, anak-anak kuli pelabuhan, anak-anak pekerja seks komersial, dan anak-anak buruh lainnya harus keluar dari sana, sebab biaya sekolah menjadi empat kali lipat lebih mahal. Sementara anak-anak desa yang miskin, kalaupun bisa masuk ke sekolah itu, mereka akan berpikir berkali-kali, sebab waktu anak-anak desa sesungguhnya tak hanya untuk sekolah, melainkan memiliki kesibukan lain—kehidupan yang nyata; merawat ternak, mencari ikan, mencari pakan ternak, mengasuh adik-adik dan menjemur ikan.
Melalui SMA Santa Helena, kita bisa melihat lembaga gereja memainkan peran pula dalam menjauhkan anak-anak Timor dari lingkungannya sendiri, “mengurungnya’ dalam gemerlap gedung dengan buku-buku teks, menjauhkan anak-anak Timor dari lingkungan dan kebudayaannya; berkuda, berenang, mengail, menggembala ternak atau melihat keluarga mereka menyuling sopi.
Cara-cara keras gereja mengupayakan tatanan “beradab” ini kemudian berimbas pula pada :
Lama kelamaan mereka benar-benar berhenti sekolah, yang perempuan menjadi pelacur di usia dini, dan anak laki-laki bekerja penuh mencari pakan untuk sapi. Mereka harus menerima kenyataan, bahwa untuk menjadi cerdas, mereka membutuhkan uang. Guru-guru hanya mengajar jika dikasih uang. Namun uang tidak gampang dicari. Hanya daun yang gampang dicari. Dan hanya sapi di karantina yang mau dikasih daun (Hal 100)
Hal lain akan realitas desa dalam Orang-orang Oetimu adalah; tidak selamanya di sebuah masyarakat dengan adat istiadat yang luhur, tidak ada orang yang bernurani bengkok. Ini tercermin dalam tokoh Naef Ahelet—tukang sunat di Oetimu. Tukang sunat terhormat di seantero kampung ini tak hanya sekadar menjalankan pekerjaannya menyunat, tetapi dia telah melakukan pelecehan seksual kepada si kecil Ipi melalui tangannya. Tukang sunat itu telah melecehkan seorang anak laki-laki yang masih berada dalam alam pikiran; bermain di padang sabana, menunggang kuda dan mendengar dongeng di musim hujan.
Silvy dan Tubuh Perempuan
Sersan Ipi—tokoh yang dibicarakan pada narasi awal novel, mengumumkan bahwa dua minggu lagi, dia akan menikahi perempuan jelita yang baru datang ke Kampung Oetimu. Ia menikahi Silvy secara mendadak lantaran pada pertemuan pertama mereka telah terjadi persenggamaan. Silvy dikatakan gadis yang memiliki kecerdasan tingkat tinggi dan begitu jelita, sehingga kejelitaan ini telah menyihir orang-orang Oetimu mulai dari kaum muda hingga kaum tua. Suaranya seperti malaikat drama natal dan matanya seperti hulu sungai.
Anak-anak SMA berkata, ia (Silvy) perempuan paling pandai yang mereka temui. Apa pun yang keluar dari mulutnya adalah benar belaka. Orang-orang tua berkata, ia membawa kesahajaan putri Timor yang sejati, sedangkan pemuda-pemuda kampung kebingungan mendefinisikannya, sebab campur aduk rasa yang tumbuh di hati, antara ingin mengasihi dan menghormati selayaknya seorang ibu, sekaligus ada hasrat lain untuk menggauli ia seganas-ganasnya (Hal 61)
Silvy juga dinarasikan sebagai seorang gadis yang bicaranya santun, tubuhnya wangi, dan parasnya sungguh menawan, setiap pemuda bercita-cita mempersuntingnya, dan setiap anak mengalami mimpi basah tentangnya.
Ini dimulai pada narasi pertemuan Sersan Ipi pertama kali dengan Silvy, sebelumnya dua pemuda pelajar berkelahi lantaran bermimpi basah soal Silvy. Perkelahian yang bermula dari mimpi basah akan Silvy, berlanjut mengejek Ibu dari salah satu pemuda pelajar, dan berakhir dengan ancaman parang, Sersan Ipi mencari tahu seperti apakah wujud perempuan yang telah membuat dua pemuda itu berkelahi. Tadinya sersan Ipi juga ikut menyalahkan Silvy—di sini kita bisa lihat cara berpikir kaum patriarki melalui tokoh sersan Ipi, jika perempuan pakai rok pendek diperkosa itu salah perempuan, jika laki-laki berkelahi lantaran mimpi basah soal sosok perempuan, perempuan itu juga ikut bersalah.
Tetapi ketika sampai di rumah Om Daniel—rumah Paman Silvy, betapa Sersan Ipi menjadi lemah, lantaran terpesona oleh kecantikan Silvy, dia pun melakukan berbagai macam strategi agar bisa berlama-lama, bisa bercakap-cakap dengan Nona Silvy dan pada akhirnya berakhir dengan percintaan liar dan ganas, di atas meja makan dan di lantai semen.
Silvy juga digambarkan menginginkan persenggamaan dengan Sersan Ipi terjadi, sebab ia telah hamil dengan tokoh Linus—kepala asrama di SMA Santa Helena—yang tiba-tiba muncul saat Silvy sedang masturbasi, sehingga Sersan Ipi sebetulnya hanyalah upaya Silvy menyelamatkan kehamilannya dari pria yang tidak akan membawa keberuntungan dalam hidupnya. Selagi bersenggama dengan Sersan Ipi, yang dipikirkan Silvy justru dada berbulu Romo Yosef.
Perkara Silvy dan Linus itu, diceritakan pada halaman 124-125, saat itu Silvy sedang masturbasi di sebuah kamar kosong—di rumah pastoran dalam lingkungan SMA Santa Helena. Silvy yang cerdas ‘diasingkan’ di ruang baca peninggalan suster-suster di rumah pastoran, lantaran banyak guru-guru telah mengeluh dan melapor kepada Romo Yosef bahwa mereka kewalahan menghadapi kecerdasan Silvy di dalam kelas semua mata pelajaran—Silvy adalah tokoh remaja perempuan yang terberi secara ilahiah; kecerdasan di atas rata-rata, seperti Mara Wilson dalam film Matilda (1996). Di ruang baca peninggalan suster-suster itu, yang penuh buku-buku teologi, filsafat, sastra, seni dan budaya, Silvy melakukan hal-hal yang ia suka; membaca, mengkliping, mengarsip atau menulis pandangan-pandangannya setelah selesai membaca buku.
Suatu siang setelah membawa bubur dan obat bersama Tanta Yuli (tokoh pelengkap) ke dalam Kamar Romo Yosef, dikatakan Romo Yosef sedang sakit. Silvy terangsang secara seksual setelah tak sengaja melihat dada Romo Yosef yang berbulu, dari sini, ketika keluar dari kamar Romo Yosef, pergilah Silvy ke salah satu kamar kosong di rumah pastoran itu, di sana Silvy melakukan masturbasi, bertepatan Silvy sedang masturbasi, Linus sebagai kepala asrama sedang memeriksa kamar-kamar yang kosong untuk bisa ditempati orang-orang Cina yang datang ke SMA Santa Helena untuk mencari perlindungan lantaran kerusuhan etnis tengah berlangsung di Jakarta :
Beberapa saat kemudian, laki-laki itu merangkak ke atas tubuh Silvy. Menciumi perutnya. Puting susunya. Pangkal lehernya. Daun telinganya dan sesuatu pelan-pelan menembus kemaluan Silvy. Silvy memekik tertahan. Ia ingin bilang jangan, tetapi tangannya mencari-cari dada laki-laki itu. Diremasnya dengan ingin.
Ada nuansa khas Enny Arrow atau Fredy S, tetapi yang saya maksud begini; narasi-narasi besar macam Orde Baru, Integrasi dan dekolonisasi di Timor Timur tampak baik, tetapi ketika narasi berpindah pada ketubuhan perempuan, ini tampak tidak terlalu meyakinkan, apakah iya alam pikiran dan keputusan perempuan ketika penis laki-laki asing, yang tidak ada ketertarikan secara seksual dengannya tiba-tiba saja masuk ke dalam tubuhnya, dan ia menerima begitu saja?
Bagian ini meragukan, kenapa? Jika mungkin Romo Yosef (Obyek Ketertarikan Seksual Silvy) yang datang, karena dikatakan Silvy terangsang pada dada berbulu Romo Yosef mungkin masuk akal, tetapi si laki-laki yang datang selagi Silvy masturbasi itu adalah tokoh Linus, tokoh yang sepanjang novel ini digambarkan culas, pengkhianat, bodoh, buta sejarah, mata-mata tentara Indonesia, menipu orang tuanya sendiri selagi mahasiswa agar bisa foya-foya, dan Silvy tidak memiliki ketertarikan secara seksual pada tokoh Linus—tidak pernah disinggung sepanjang narasi novel ini, dan adegan itu lebih sebetulnya kepada perkosaan, ini menjadi kontrakdiksi karena Silvy menerima begitu saja, tak berdaya menolak dan justru menginginkannya, padahal sejak awal Silvy dinarasikan sebagai tokoh perempuan yang memiliki kecerdasan dan mampu menyelesaikan masalahnya sendiri.
Dalam kegiatan seksual, perempuan memiliki hasrat seksual pada lawan jenisnya disebabkan banyak faktor; faktor geografi, politik, material, keilmuan, atau perilaku. Dan sejak awal tak digambarkan dari unsur-unsur itu dalam diri Linus yang membuat Silvy tertarik, tak ada keterhubungan di antara kedua tokoh ini dari sisi Silvy, taruhlah satu unsur saja mungkin sikap politik atau perilaku Linus yang membuat Silvy tertarik atau merasa nyaman, tetapi interaksi Silvy dan Linus ini tidak ada sama sekali sejak awal. Lalu kenapa tiba-tiba Silvy begitu saja menerima penis Linus, meskipun kala itu memang ia sedang bergairah dalam kegiatan masturbasi, tetapi itu tidak mungkin ada dalam alam pikiran perempuan, apalagi perempuan cerdas di atas rata-rata? Kemudian ditambah lagi, Silvy membiarkan saja sperma si Linus ini memasuki rahimnya—yang mengakibatkan dia hamil. Secara tidak langsung, Silvy dinarasikan rela diperkosa dan hamil, dan dia tenang saja. Untuk mengatasi masalah rela diperkosa itu, Silvy meminta kepada Romo Yosef untuk memberinya surat rujukan sehingga Silvy bisa pergi diam-diam meninggalkan SMA Santa Helena.
Sepanjang narasi novel yang bertautan dengan Silvy, tubuh Silvy—tampak bagai medan eksploitasi, memang tak semua tokoh-tokoh perempuan dieksploitasi secara ketubuhan, Tokoh Maria dinarasikan sebagai orang gerakan pada era orde baru yang berbicara lantang, kritik sana sini, tidak percaya lembaga pemerintah dan gereja, lalu berakhir bunuh diri karena suami dan putranya dilindas truk Unimog. Membaca narasi ketubuhan Silvy di sini, muatan perasaan saya sebagai perempuan, hampir sama ketika membaca Seperti Dendam, Rindu Harus Dibayar Tuntas, menggelisahkan.
Jauh sebelum menjadi kepala asrama di SMA Santa Helena, selain sebagai mahasiswa buta sejarah, suka menipu ayah sendiri, bekerja sebagai informan tentara Indonesia, Linus juga digambarkan sebagai seorang pemerkosa. Linus memerkosa perempuan dengan cara mentraktir perempuan es krim atau makanan, lalu ia bubuhi obat bius di es krim dan makanan traktiran itu, setelah perempuan tertidur, Linus akan menyetubuhinya.
Berbekal ramuan itu, Linus mulai beraksi. Ia selalu membelikan es krim dan bermacam-macam makanan untuk setiap perempuan yang ia ajak jalan, yang terlanjur menganggapnya sebagai kakak kandung. Setelah perempuan itu menelan makanan yang ia berikan dan menjadi linglung, Linus membawanya ke indekos lalu mulai bersenang-senang. Terlalu banyak perempuan yang mau diajak jalan, apalagi ditraktir oleh laki-laki tampan itu. Berkat ramuan ajaib (obat bius), dalam satu bulan, Linus bisa meniduri empat sampai tujuh orang perempuan berbeda. Meskipun mereka mengutuknya, tak ada perempuan yang berani melaporkan perbuatan Linus itu ke polisi. Ia kembali dipermalukan dengan ditanya; kalau tidak mau, kenapa anda mau diajak ke kos? Apakah saat itu vagina anda basah?
Itu membuat Linus semakin merdeka menjalankan aksinya. Tubuh demi tubuh digerayangi, vagina demi vagina di masukinya; dari yang masih perawan sampai yang pernah melakukan aborsi, dari yang berbau bawang sampai yang wangi cendana. (Hal 143)
Dari tokoh Linus, kita bisa melihat betapa kuatnya hegemoni patriarki, dikatakan meski Linus sudah melakukan pemerkosaan banyak kali, perempuan yang menjadi korban tidak melaporkan ke polisi, karena akan kembali dipersalahkan. Meskipun di sini, ada empati pada posisi perempuan selaku korban kekerasan seksual yang dilemahkan kala berhadapan dengan lembaga berotoritas, tetapi di bagian lain—narasi laku perkosa justru dientengkan. Dikatakan Linus dengan mudah memerkosa perempuan-perempuan, cukup traktir mereka makanan, es krim, kasih obat bius, bawa ke indokos, lalu gerayangi mereka. Meski kala itu di zaman (latar waktu) yang penuh kekerasan, apakah semudah memerkosa perempuan? Saya pikir tak seenteng itu, dalam realitasnya selalu ada perlawanan perempuan—tetapi entah kenapa dalam narasi sastra arus utama kebanyakan perempuan selalu ditulis kalah.
Untuk melihat maskulinitas ini bekerja, mari kita bandingkan diksi soal organ intim manusia dalam Orang-orang Oetimu. Penis digambarkan sekeras gagang pintu—kuat, jantan, perkasa, keras dan secepat jarum jahit, secepat anak panah —gesit, lincah, cepat. Sementara vagina digambarkan sesuatu yang becek, tidak bertulang, terlalu lembut, bau bawang, wangi cendana.
Ideologi kapitalisme—yang di dalamnya inheren ideologi patriarki—adalah dunia yang di dalamnya perempuan direpresentasikan lewat bahasa (verbal, visual, digital) dan menempatkan mereka pada posisi the second sex—yang lemah, pasif, tidak berdaya, pelengkap, yang tak lebih dari objek kesenangan dari dunia laki-laki yang dominan—yang perkasa dan segesit jarum jahit.
Dalam wacana ketimpangan peran gender— barangkali si pencipta narasi seringkali sulit melepaskan diri dari latar belakang kebudayaannya (patriarki), subjektivitasnya (maskulinitas) dan ketidakmungkinannya memasuki dunia, alam pikiran dan perasaan keperempuanan itu sendiri.
Di dalam Orang-orang Oetimu, saya menemukan objektifikasi tubuh perempuan dalam teks-teks macam: dari vagina yang bau bawang sampai yang wangi cendana atau liang itu terlalu lembut, becek dan tidak bertulang, vagina gratis atau muntah-muntahlah burung itu menembaki si lonte atau mulut Neeta sangat besar dan ia memang jago mengisap atau bagian kutipan langsung macam; sudah rindu puki Jawakah? ‘Puki’ adalah penamaan organ reporoduksi perempuan (bermuatan makian) sama dengan ‘Memek’ yang dihamburkan Eka Kurniawan dalam narasi novelnya ‘Seperti Dendam, Rindu harus Dibayar Tuntas’—dan sebagai pembaca perempuan hati saya sungguh tidak tenteram dengan teks-teks macam begini.
Erni Aladjai adalah Emerging Writers di Makassar International Writers Festival 2011. Ia menulis, meriset lepas dan berkebun dalam pot.
The Reality of the Town, Silvy and the Body of Women in the Novel Orang-Oetimu by Felix K. Nesi
By : Erni Aladjai
Translator: Edan Runge
The publication of Felix K. Nessi’s Orang-orang Oetimu (The people of Oetimu) by publisher, Marjin Kiri, brings freshness, humour and joy to our literary repertoire. The people of Oetimu is interesting because of its wide range of journeys. Not only do we see the situation of a remote village experiencing a new reality, after being victim to violence for the sake of violence perpetrated by a controlling state, but we also see instances of poverty that are often exploited by the church.
In The people of Oetimu, long histories of communism, colonialism and the New Order regime, become small narratives in a rural setting. These are read in the following order; the PKI (Communist Party of Indonesia) cooperative office is torn down, Sgt. Ipi, who secures the village by force — kicking, slapping, ordering push-ups and beating people in the streets — and later dies and is considered the symbolic figure of the nation. Sgt. Ipi’s authority and his approach to dealing with problems in the village become simultaneous narratives. There is then a priest who tries hard to "civilize" a coastal community, far from the city centre, with his western ways.
Moreover, the strength of The people of Oetimu is that the narrative manages to simultaneously portray the situation when the Indonesian national model was forcibly applied to Timorese society. Because nationalism was forced on a people who felt foreign to these symbols, political structures, culture and even the Indonesian language itself, Indonesia's efforts to integrate the Timorese people actually failed instead of being successful. Rather than creating new ties with Indonesia, the Timorese people raised their own nationalist consciousness and strengthened their unity against the Indonesians.[1].
Indonesia, which is foreign both as a symbol and in language, is depicted in the figure of Am Siki - an old palm tapper and storyteller in Oetimu. One day Am Siki passed a village and saw a red and white flag flying in the middle of the village. He ventured in and asked, where in the world was he? Was the flag part of Japan or the Netherlands?
A resident then answers old Am Siki's question.
"There are no more Dutch here, we are no longer Dutch Timor."
"Then whose flag is flying? Is that strange flag your royal banner? Am Siki asked again.
"That's the Indonesian flag. Right now we are Indonesian Timor,” the people replied to him.
"Can the Indonesians speak uab Metô?" asked Am Siki again.
"Of course not, but now we have a new language. Indonesian is the name, if you want to know, at the beginning of every month they always teach in this lopo. " (Pg 39)
Thus, this lontar tapping character becomes disillusioned. Because foreigners come and go, but no one wants to learn to speak a good and correct language. It is always the Timorese who are forced to learn foreign things.
It is also said that the character of Am Siki crushes the Japanese because his horses were raped by Japanese soldiers. Educated urban people think he is saving the 'Nation' even though he only saved his horses. These scenes are both funny and critical because, often in the real world, the heroic actions of the ‘little people’ in remote areas are considered to be part of the fight for the ‘nation’ - a system of life that is actually far and foreign for them.
Kritik akan relasi kuasa dalam hal ini pusat dan daerah juga terbaca dalam kutipan langsung seorang tokoh bernama Linus :
The criticism of power relations, in this case of the central and regional governments, is also visible in the direct quote of a character named Linus:
"You are stupid people, always affected by the problems of the Jakarta people. The Jakarta people who urinate and defecate, you are the ones who cover your nose and flush the toilet," (Pg 191)
Even the "modern" people’s representation of traditional society is criticized subtly and humorously;
Two weeks later, a car with a red plate entered the village road. The children ran along, because the car looked better than Baba Ong's sand truck. They jumped up and down and wrote their names on the dirty and dusty glass. A middle-aged woman opened the glass and threw coins and candy out, hoping the children would fight over them, so that she could photograph the joy of the village children in front of money and candy, but the children didn't pick up the candy or the money, because they thought the woman was paying tribute to the ancestors with a little prayer. (Pg 82).
But like the title above, in the discussion of this novel, I do not enter into the big postcolonial narratives — but I start from what makes me draw a common thread from myself as a reader; I come from the East and was born and raised in a village, and this essay speaks from my perspective as a woman.
Village Reality
The people of Oetimu is told in retrospect, all the characters’ pasts are told as a history that explains why they act as they do today. Almost all characters have the same amount of their pasts explained. Narratives of the past are important in The people of Oetimu.
In my reading The people of Oetimu, I focus more on the situation of the village as well as the psychology of the people in it. They are not static and the village is not presented as urban people might imagine; beautiful, friendly, innocent, harmonious and noble people with their own customs enjoy their mutual cooperation.
This village, though not representing every village, has in fact left that reality behind long ago. The way in which The people of Oetimu is narrated differs from television show portrayals of villages, which have become visual backgrounds and places visited by urban people on tours that let them admire an ‘ethnicity’ through its customs, culture and panorama.
This external ‘subjectivity’ not only occurs in television and film productions but also in literature. This is why we need more writers that tell their own stories well, from their own places, about their daily lives and things close to them, like their ‘Easternness’, for example. In my view, The people of Oetimu narrates its Easternness well.
The social criticism regarding the standardization of eating rice, narrated in one quarter of the novel, became my first focus concerning the changing reality of the village.
The people of Oetimu don’t have a ricefield, they plant corn and cassava in the fields and on the hill slopes. However, their staple food is rice and most of them already feel ashamed eating both corn and cassava. Even if they’re not ashamed, they often get upset stomachs because they are used to eating rice. Each harvest, a car providing information with loudspeakers would enter the village and offer an important announcement.
“Ladies and gentlemen and all healthy intelligent residents. The harvest has arrived. We all harvest corn and cassava. But do you know what corn and cassava are? Corn and cassava were the foods of our ancestors. Our ancestors were stupid and had poor nutrition because they only ate corn and cassava…” Whenever the harvest arrived, the villagers would trade five litres of corn for one litre of rice. Three units of cassava were traded for instant noodles, if you added one basket of nuts, you would be given one egg. People from distant villages often went through floods and wild animals just to exchange their crops at Fertile Shop. Some walked tens of kilometers carrying a bunch of bananas in exchange for delicious banana chips. Others exchanged sandalwood for a pair of flip-flops and returned barefoot, fearing that the tens of kilometers of travel would ruin their new sandals. If they stumbled on a sharp rock or were cut by a snail's shell, and blood flowed from the soles of their feet, they would pull over, treat the wound and feel grateful that their new sandals were fine - if they had worn them they would have damaged the new sandals ... . (Pg 55-56)
From the narrative above, it can be seen that the people of Oetimu no longer see with two eyes what they have; cassava and maize, as in their earlier times, but have shifted, as the government campaigned. Rice is associated with a semantic meaning; it’s healthier and makes you smarter. This narrative about rice is familiar in Eastern Indonesia. In my own area - in the Labobo Islands - the border between North Maluku and the easternmost part of Sulawesi, rice is a luxury food because only civil servants, people of rank and in uniform are rationed with such food by the government, so gardeners think what they have is too "small", and then sell their sweet potatoes, sago and taro to buy rice to rise in class. When we read that part, those of us from Maluku, Sulawesi or Papua will exclaim, "Yes, it was like that in our village too in those years and unfortunately this sentiment has been preserved and maintains strong roots." It may seem trivial, just a matter of rice, but this 'rice' then changes the values and structures of certain rural communities in Eastern Indonesia. Rice, which we then know contains high sugar content, is considered a high-class food compared to cassava and taro which is rich in fiber, low in sugar and is really good for preventing modern diseases such as diabetes and hypertension.
In an interview that was published online[2], Felix K. Nesi admitted that Oetimu was his father's garden, which was located behind the house, not up to one hectare in area. He then used the name for the village (setting of the novel) complete with its infrastructure; village hall, police post, school and grocery store. Even though the name Oetimu itself is fictional in East Nusa Tenggara, it is possible that the narrative and behavior of the villagers are not completely fictional.
In portraits of such spaces, rural and urban are often distinguished by a binary opposition; cities are knowledge, market economy, advanced, constantly changing, rational and individualistic. While the village is; mythical, static, traditional, irrational and collectivist. However, these elements continue to change, the village and the city have their own dynamics. As the city continues to grow. The village grows in its own way towards development and consumerism-for example.
The responses of the village people to things from outside their village immediately make the people inside it change, in these days we not only find individualists in the city, in the village there are also individualists.
In The people of Oetimu, the reality of a village undergoing changes is visible in the section about the ojek (motorcycle taxi) job opportunity offered by someone who had just returned to Oetimu from Java. This inspires a number of unemployed youths, but the ojek job is not in accordance with the Oetimu context and causes other problems:
Across from the Santa Maria Chapel, stood a busy ojek stand. Om Pati, who had just returned from Java, introduced new jobs, driving people on motorbikes and asking for money in return. Young people who were reluctant to do agricultural work applied to pay for motorbikes in installments with guaranteed land certificates and started carrying passengers. However, Oetimu people preferred to walk or ride horses, so the young people ended up hanging out at the ojek stands, drinking while playing chess. When it was time to pay their motorbike installment, they would catch a pig from its stable and sell it to Baba Ong. Parents have often lost livestock, which, after a Sergeant Ipi investigation, turned out to be stolen by their own children. Sgt Ipi would happily slap, punch and kick the kids; a useless punishment because they would do it again the next month. (Pg 57)
Equally interesting is Father Yosef's effort to establish an international standard school in a coastal area far from the centre of Kupang. Here, the church seems to be trying very hard to "civilize" a society. The walls of the school building are torn down and replaced with a new building, the empty school grounds are turned into a flower garden complete with a pond full of fish and a fountain. The fence is built with high walls, while in front of the school a statue of Saint Helena as high as seven metres is built and equipped with a fountain, goldfish, white swan and colourful lights as well as large writing in foreign languages; Welcome to Saint Helena Senior High School, not only that a security post is placed at the school gate. After the restoration of the school building is completed, the school uniform is renewed with a coat, tie, scarf and other trinkets. As a result, the men look brave and the women look elegant and educated, if the students were to walk hand in hand they would look like a group of Yakuza in a film about Japanese gangsters and airline flight attendants. Not only is the curriculum updated, the children have to enter the dormitory, where they learned foreign languages, physics, chemistry, mathematics lessons until the night prayer bell sounds at ten o'clock in the evening (Pg 98).
Capitalism does not only change the face of education in the big cities, but the regions also experience the same thing. Saint Helena High School, which previously had no class strata, as a school where everyone could go, now creates new tastes and classes. Only the people who have class can access it and the villagers who are able to send their children there see their social status elevated. At a time when the school grows increasingly famous and admired, the children of farmers, fishermen, port workers, commercial sex workers, and of other labourers have to leave, because the school fees are four times more expensive. Meanwhile, the village children who are poor, even if they can go to the school, would think the decision over many times, because the village children’s time is not only for school, but for other real life activities; taking care of livestock, looking for fish, foraging for livestock, taking care of younger siblings and drying fish.
Through Santa Helena High School, we can see church institutions playing a role in keeping Timorese children away from their own environment, “locking them up” in a sparkling building with text books, keeping Timorese children away from their environment and culture; horse riding, swimming, fishing, grazing cattle or watching their families refine traditional liqueurs.
The hardline methods used by the church to strives for this "civilized" order also has an impact:
Eventually they completely quit school, the girls became prostitutes at an early age, and the boys worked full time to find feed for the cows. They had to accept the fact that to become smart they needed money. Teachers only teach when given money. But money is not easy to find. Only leaves are easy to find. And only cows in quarantine want to be given leaves (Pg 100).
Another thing about the village reality in The People of Oetimu is that though a society may have noble customs, there are still dishonest people within it. This is reflected in the character Naef Ahelet — the circumcision practitioner in Oetimu. This circumcision practitioner respected throughout his village not only carries out his duties, but also sexually abuses little Ipi. Naef Ahelet abuses an innocent boy who still dreams of playing in the savanna, riding horses and hearing fairy tales in the rainy season.
Silvy and the Female Body
Sgt Ipi — the character discussed in the novel's original narrative, announces that in two weeks, he will marry a beautiful woman who has just come to Oetimu. He married Silvy suddenly because after their first meeting they had sex. Silvy is said to be a girl of high intelligence and is so beautiful, that this beauty bewitches the Oetimu people, from the young to the old. Her voice is like a Christmas angel and her eyes are like a river.
High school kids say she (Silvy) is the smartest woman they have met. Whatever comes out of her mouth is irrefutable truth. The old people say that she possesses a true Timorese daughter’s modesty, while the youths were betwixt and between because of their mixed feelings about her. They wanted to love and respect her as a mother, but also passionate desires to interact with her ( Pg 61).
Silvy is also depicted as a girl who speaks politely, with a nice perfume, and a very charming face. Every young man dreams of marrying her, and every adolescent has wet dreams about her.
This is evident from the narrative of Sgt Ipi's first meeting with Silvy. Previously two young students had fought because they had wet dreams about Silvy. This fight that started with a wet dream about Silvy, continues to taunt the mother of one of the young students, and ends with the threat that a machete will be used. Sgt Ipi finds out what kind of woman has caused the two young men to fight. At first, Sergeant Ipi also blames Silvy - here we can see the way of thinking of the patriarchy through the figure of sergeant Ipi, if a woman wearing a short skirt is raped, it's a woman's fault, if a man fights because of wet dreams about a woman's beauty, that woman is also guilty.
But when he arrives at Uncle Daniel's house (Uncle Silvy's house) Sergeant Ipi goes weak at the knees, so enchanted is he by Silvy's beauty. He also makes various excuses so that he can linger to have a conversation with Miss Silvy and finally ends up enjoying a wild passionate romance with her on the dining table and on the cement floor.
Silvy is said to want to have sex with Sergeant Ipi because she is pregnant with the character Linus’s child. He is the head of the boarding school at Saint Helena High School - who suddenly appears when Silvy is masturbating. Thus, Sergeant Ipi is actually just Silvy trying to save her pregnancy from a man who will not bring her good fortune. While having sex with Sergeant Ipi, Silvy instead thinks about Father Yosef's hairy chest.
The encounter of Silvy and Linus, is told on pages 124-125, when Silvy is masturbating in an empty room — in the rectory house in the vicinity of Saint Helena High School. The intelligent Silvy was 'exiled' in the sisters’ old reading room in the rectory house, because many teachers had complained and reported to Father Yosef that they were overwhelmed by Silvy's intelligence in all subjects. Silvy is a female teenager who is given divine above average intelligence, such as Mara Wilson in the film Matilda (1996). In the old sisters' reading room, which is full of books on theology, philosophy, literature, arts and culture, Silvy does what she likes; reading, clipping, archiving or writing her views after reading the book.
One afternoon, Silvy and Tanta Yuli bring porridge and medicine into Father Yosef's room as he is sick. Silvy is sexually aroused after accidentally seeing Father Yosef's hairy chest, from there, when she came out of Father Yosef's room, Silvy goes to one of the empty rooms in the rectory house and masturbates. At the same time Silvy is masturbating, Linus as the head of the boarding house checks empty rooms for the ethnic Chinese who have come to Saint Helena High School to seek shelter because of the ongoing racist rioting in Jakarta:
A few moments later, the man crawled onto Silvy's body. Kissing her stomach. Her nipples. The base of her neck. Her ears. Something slowly penetrated Silvy's vagina. Silvy gasped. She wanted to say no, but her hands just groped at the man's chest. He squeezed her lustfully.
There are special nuances in the characters of Enny Arrow or Fredy S, but what I want to underline is this; the big themes such as the New Order, Integration and decolonization in East Timor flow well, but when the narrative shifts to the female body, it doesn't seem too convincing to me. The thoughts and decisions of women regarding sex are foreign, especially when there is no real attraction. Silvy has sex forced upon her body, but how does she just take it without a fight?
This part is dubious, why? If it were Father Yosef (The object of Silvy's Sexual Attraction) that disturbed Silvy, given Silvy is aroused by Father Yosef's hairy chest, it might make sense. However, the man who comes in while Silvy is masturbating is Linus, a character who throughout this novel is depicted as being dirty, a traitor, ignorant, blind to history, spying for Indonesian soldiers, deceiving his own parents while being students so he can go philandering. Silvy has no sexual attraction to Linus – it is not mentioned throughout in this novel, and the scene is actually about rape. This is a contradiction because Silvy just accepts the rape, is helpless to refuse and in fact appears to want it, even though from the start Silvy is described as an intelligent female character who is able to solve her own problems.
In sexual activity, women have a sexual desire for men due to many factors; be they geographic, political, material, scientific, or behavioral factors. And since the beginning, there is no description of any traits of Linus that interest Silvy, there is no connection between these two figures from Silvy's perspective. If you had to put forward one trait, perhaps Linus's political attitude or behaviour would make Silvy interested or feel comfortable, but the interaction between Silvy and Linus is non-existent from the start. So why would Silvy suddenly just accept Linus's approach, even though at that time she was having fun masturbating? But this is not a possible decision for a woman, let alone a woman of above average intelligence. Then, in addition, Silvy just lets Linus get her pregnant. Indirectly, Silvy is depicted as willing to be raped and get pregnant, and she is calm. To overcome the trauma of the rape, Silvy asks Father Yosef to give her a referral letter so she can secretly leave Saint Helena High School.
Throughout the narrative of the novel that relates to Silvy, her body appears as a playground for exploitation, though not all female characters are physically exploited. The character of Maria, for example, is described as a loud dissident during Suharto’s New Order. She doesn’t have faith in institutions like the church or government and ends up committing suicide because her husband and son are run over by a Unimog truck. But reading the depiction of Silvy's body here, my feelings as a woman are almost the same as when I was reading Vengeance Is Mine, All Others Pay Cash, which is disturbing.
Long before becoming the head of the boarding school at Saint Helena High School, apart from being an ignorant history student, cheating on his own father, working as an informant for the Indonesian army, Linus is also described as a rapist. Linus raped women by inviting them for ice cream or food, then putting drugs in the ice cream and food, after the women fell asleep, Linus would rape them.
Armed with that potion, Linus began to act. He would always buy ice cream and various kinds of food for every woman he walked with, who thought of him as a real brother. After the woman swallowed the food he gave her, she became dazed, Linus took her to the boarding house where he started having fun. Too many women were willing to be invited for a stroll and treated to a bite to eat by that handsome man. Thanks to a magic potion (anaesthetic), in one month, Linus could sleep with four to seven different women. Even though they cursed him, no woman dared to report Linus's actions to the police. They would again be humiliated by being questioned; if you didn't want to, why did you go to the boarding house? Was your vagina wet at that time?
This made Linus more free in carrying out his despicable actions. He fondled body after body, penetrated vagina after vagina; from virgins to those who had had an abortion, from those that smell like onions to those that smell like sandalwood. (Pg 143)
From the character of Linus, we can see how strong the patriarchal hegemony is, it is said that even though Linus has committed many rapes, women who are victims do not report to the police, because they will be blamed again. Even though here, there is empathy for the position of women as victims of sexual violence, which is facilitated by authoritative institutions, but in another part, the narrative of rape is actually taken too lightly. It is said that Linus easily rapes women, just treats them to food, ice cream, gives them drugs, takes them to the boarding house, then sexually assaults them. Even though that time was full of violence, was it as easy as that to rape a woman? I don't think so, in reality there is always resistance from the woman - but somehow in mainstream literary narratives most women are always depicted as inferior subjects.
To see this masculinity at work, let's compare the depiction of human genitalia in The People of Oetimu. The penis is described as hard as a doorknob - strong, manly, mighty, hard and as fast as a sewing needle, as fast as an arrow - agile. While the vagina is described as something muddy, boneless, overly soft, smelling of onions or sandalwood.
The ideology of capitalism - which is inherently a patriarchal ideology - is a world in which women are represented through language (verbal, visual, digital) and placed in the position of the second sex - weak, passive, powerless, complementary, as nothing more than objects for the pleasures of the dominant male world — mighty and as skilful as a sewing needle.
In this discourse there is a gender imbalance — perhaps the narrative’s creator often finds it difficult to escape from his cultural background (patriarchy), subjectivity (masculinity) and the impossibility of entering into the world, thoughts and feelings of womanhood.
In The People of Oetimu, I find objectification of the female body in texts of sorts: from a vagina that smells of onions to one that smells like sandalwood or is too soft, muddy and boneless, a vagina available for free, bird vomit hitting the prostitute, Neeta's mouth being very big so she is really good at oral sex or the direct quotes like; already miss puki jawakah? 'Puki' is the derogatory term for a female reproductive organ, just like 'Memek' that Eka Kurniawan scattered throughout his novel Vengeance Is Mine, All Others Pay Cash. As a female reader, my heart is really not at ease with texts like this.
Erni Aladjai was named an Emerging Writer at the Makassar International Writers Festival 2011. She writes, does freelance research and enjoys gardening.
Tentang Rumata'
Rumata’ ArtSpace adalah rumah budaya yang resmi berdiri 18 Februari 2011, dijalankan secara independen dengan pendanaan yang sebagian besar berasal dari sumbangan publik. Selain menawarkan fasilitas yang bisa diakses secara luas khususnya bagi seniman dan komunitas di Makassar, Rumata’ dikenal dengan program-program unggulan yang telah menjadi bagian penting pengembangan kebudayaan dan kesenian, antara lain Makassar International Writers Festival (MIWF) dan SEAScreen Academy. Ratusan seniman dan relawan telah terlibat dalam berbagai kegiatan di Rumata’ dan ribuan pengunjung telah mengikuti berbagai kegiatan Rumata’. Perluasan kerjasama, peningkatan kualitas kegiatan dan upaya melebarkan jangkauan audiens adalah tiga hal mendasar yang akan terus dikerjakan Rumata’ Artspace.
About Rumata'
Rumata’ ArtSpace is a cultural institution officially established on the 18thof February 2011. It operates independently and receives most of its funding from public donations. Apart from offering facilities that can be widely accessed, especially by artists and the Makassar community, Rumata’ is famous for its featured programs which have become an important part of cultural and artistic development, for example the Makassar International Writers Festival (MIWF) and SEAScreen Academy. Hundreds of artists and volunteers have participated in various activities at Rumata’ and thousands of visitors have also got involved. The three objectives that Rumata’ ArtSpace will continue to strive for are extending its collaborations, increasing the quality of its activities and growing its audience.
Informasi
Jika ada saran, masukan dan informasi yang perlu kami ketahui, Anda dapat mengunjungi Rumata' ArtSpace dan menghubungi email serta nomor telefon yang tertera:
Jl. Bontonompo No.12A, Gn. Sari, Tamalate, Kota Makassar, Sulawesi Selatan 90221. Indonesia
Information
If you have suggestions, feedback or information that we should be aware of, you can visit Rumata’ ArtSpace and contact us via email or the telephone number listed here:
+62 813-8801-5211
